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—A directive for the Communist parties has been prepared [in German]:

This war is an unjust, imperialist war, and the bourgeoisie of all the belligerent nations share equally in the guilt. In no land may the working class, much less the Communist Party, support the war. The bourgeoisie is fighting the war, but not against fascism as Chamberlain and the leaders of social democracy claim. The war is being fought between two groups of capitalist countries for control of the world. The international working class can certainly not defend fascist Poland, which has rejected the help of the Soviet Union and suppressed other nationalities.

The Communist parties have fought against the supporters of Munich because they wanted a true antifascist front that would include the Soviet Union, but the bourgeoisie of England and France have repudiated the Soviet Union in order to pursue a predatory war.

The war has materially altered the situation. The division of the capitalist states into fascist and democratic [camps] has lost its former significance. Strategy must be altered accordingly. The strategy of Communist parties in all warring lands at this stage of the war is to oppose the war, to expose its imperialist character; where Communist deputies are available, to vote against war credits, to explain to the masses that the war will not bring them anything but adversity and ruin. In the neutral countries, one must expose governments that seem to favor their own country’s neutrality but support the war in other countries in order to make a profit—as the government of the United States of America does with regard to Japan and China. Everywhere, Communist parties must undertake a decisive offensive against the treacherous policy of social democracy.

Communist parties, especially those of France, England, Belgium, and the United States of America, which have proceeded in opposition to this view, must immediately correct their political line.

✍    Also today
  1. Propaganda is an important instrument of the leadership for forwarding and strengthening the will to victory and for destroying the enemies’ morale and will to victory. In a war there are no jurisdictional problems. What counts is the effective use of the propaganda instrument. Compared with this, all other issues are inconsequential.
  2. The propaganda apparatus of the Propaganda Ministry, which has been built up over a period of years, is the central agency for the practical application of propaganda. Breaking it up during the war would be comparable to breaking up certain components of the Wehrmacht.
  3. In the cases where practical developments have caused analogous bodies with like purposes to grow up, such agencies shall be coordinated and shall carry out their tasks, however much alike, in genuine collaboration.

Lodz is occupied!

The beginning of the day was calm, too calm. In the afternoon, I was sitting in the park and drawing a sketch of a girlfriend. Then, all of a sudden, I heard the terrifying news: Lodz had been surrendered! German patrols on Piotrkowska Street. Fear, surprise... Surrendered without a fight? Perhaps it's only some tactical maneuver. We'll see. See more

This morning I was – so to speak – in the belly of a beast. Dr Surzycki and I went to the German headquarters in the French Hotel, to get an approval of the Civic Committee from the general. The general was busy heading the conference. Adjutant Captain Schönberg (or maybe Schönbock) received us very kindly and promised to see our request through, verifying the composition and the goals of the committee. (We still fear the Committee will constantly be held hostage).

War is gradually interfering with everyday life. From the 11th of this month, special permits will be needed for driving around. There is some talk of introducing fuel cards.

Chelm. Information about Moscice from Mr. Weber. Management and officials evacuated on Tuesday. There were big air raids, but the factory was not damaged up until Tuesday. Two bombs failed to explode and they fell into a coal bunker in the boiler room and onto the warehouse with lime saltpeter.

There were losses in people and communication devices. In the Central Industrial Region, the factories are apparently defended by high-angle artillery. They are undamaged.

Warsaw still hasn’t fallen. It is difficult to know where the Germans arrived. Information is not trustworthy. The Swedish radio mainly concerns itself with relations in China. English radio is extremely cautious. German radio broadcasts victory reports, clearly exaggerated; Polish news, despite being cautious, sound too optimistic. We do not know anything about what is happening on the western front.

The city looks calmer today, yesterday it looked close to panic.

The German press reveals the atrocities committed by Polish marauders near Bromberg. Thousands of innocent German civilians were tortured by the Poles in the most horrific ways and then murdered. 

Brauchitsch came this morning. Discussed the situation. I protested against locking my east wing into the advance on Ostrow and argued that, apart from operational concerns, between the Narew and Ostrow was no place at all for the forces of the 3rd Army. Gradually, with the assistance of Salmuth, I was able to convince him to at least allow the wing to go toward Siedlce. I don't understand why they gave me no freedom of action. Regrouping the army group in a few days was no simple matter, standing ready as it is, with strong motorized reserves behind the east wing, for the last decisive thrust into the deep flank of the Polish Army.

The Army Group's original intention was to attach my corps to General von Küchler's Third Army; it was to operate in close coordination with his left flank and to advance from the Arys area, through Lomsha, towards the eastern side of Warsaw. It seemed to me that such close co-operation with an infantry army was not in accordance with the full potentialities of my troops. I pointed out that the proposed operation would not enable me to make use of the speed of my motorized divisions, and that a slow advance on our part would give the Poles in the Warsaw area the chance of withdrawing eastwards and of establishing a new defensive line along the River Bug. See more

One battalion leaves after the other, the tanks are moving in an endless line. Wives are crying, husbands drop in “for a minute”. Kolya didn’t come, I stupidly waited for him yesterday and today. It was painful, and upsetting. My guys are also worried, they are constantly bringing some kind of news. They say that the Red Army House is full with newly drafted conscripts Wives, mothers, sisters are standing there in a crowd; they are afraid that the “real war” has begun. Our women are gathering in groups, sharing impressions, drawing their own conclusions. 

By the well, I ran into a pilot drinking water. He was limping and leaning on a rough stick. He had been injured during a forced landing. I asked whether he'd like to come in, eat something and rest his foot. It took some coaxing to persuade him. He was truly hungry.

Kalina has been working in the hospital since the beginning of the war, although she is only 13 years old, still a child. She rides her bicycle around town between the cars and distributes what the scouts give. More and more fleeing people on the roads.


I waited for the night. They didn’t come. Early in the morning, I got dressed and prepared to slip away in advance. At the entrance, I ran into an old man. He had the draft orders in his hands. 

— Sign and report immediately. 

That’s it. Several things came to mind at once: “University. The final year. The state exam. My thesis. And now…” I didn’t want it. I bit my lips, had some food, and left. They sent me to Krasnoye Selo. I received my orders to Ust-Luga. 

The train was full of new conscripts. There were hardly any drunks, as wine wasn’t for sale. But everything in the wagon gaggled, swore and screamed. And it was somehow strange to think that this crazy mob would tomorrow be uniform and will turn around, obeying the voice giving orders, holding hands at the seams.

We arrived at midnight. We lay down to sleep on stools.

Our ignorance was equalled by that of the British Embassy and the rest of the diplomatic corps. Settled at Nałenczow, a spa not far from Lublin, they found themselves cut off from everything. Many of the telegrams they sent, I was told later, never reached the addresses at all. It took them two or three hours to put a telephone call through. No communications reached them in Nałenczow, save perhaps an occasional telegram. Such disorganisation was understandable in Katowice or Cracow, with the Germans a few kilometres away: but hardly so in a town that was the centre of government.