During WWII, he served as the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Polish government in exile.
Lord Halifax hit me with a state of certain “vacillation” or at least inner doubts. He told me that information from various sources indicates alarming Soviet ideas and in such state of affairs the situation must be considered seriously altered for the worse. See more
Prime Minister Daladier persuaded Lord Halifax to support the repeated French position regarding the march of Russian troops through our territory. Lord Halifax admits however that he agreed to support this intervention without conviction... At this point, I said that surely Lord H.'s doubts are fully justified and the pursuit of illusion can bring only bitter disappointments. It seems obvious that Soviet demand of moving an army through certain regions, probably previously agreed with the Germans would require the consent of both parties, especially the owner itself, in light of Russia’s meddling in Polish matters (through Western powers).
Lord Halifax listened very attentively to my arguments. Here and there he made remarks but in general, he seemed to share the view I had expressed. This didn’t stop him from putting a lot of emphasis on us reaching an agreement with the Germans in another part of the conversation (which I summarise in a rather haphazard manner due to lack of time).
However I am convinced the agreement between the Soviets and the Germans cannot be a foundation for either an honest or a permanent friendship. It is a result of Soviet fear mixed with a desire for gain. If the Western powers stand up bravely and go to war together with us if necessary, then the Soviets (who will gain politically anyway) will not “disgrace themselves with the Germans”.
From an unofficial source, but quite serious, I receive the following information on the German-Soviet nonaggression pact:
I. agreement reached with the active participation of Italian diplomacy;
II. with reference to the basic agreement, there is a mutual obligation not to intervene with the internal affairs of the other contractor; in particular, Germany will not interfere with the Ukrainian issue;
III. Latvia, Estonia and Finland are entering the sphere of Soviet interests;
IV. Germany leaves Bulgaria to the Turkish influence (will not encourage its revisionist tendency?).
In the next two weeks, a permanent alliance between England and Poland is to be signed. On the English side, this treaty is to be signed by min. Lord HalifaxSecretary of State for Foreign Affairs, on the Polish side by Ambassador RaczyńskiPolish ambassador to the United Kingdom. The treaty will replace the current mutual guarantees and will include a commitment to mutual assistance in the event of a direct and indirect threat to the independence of both powers.
By the time I got myself acquainted with your project, I was struck. How different it is from both the project I put forward as well as the conclusions reached on the 6th of April during the visit of Mr. Beck in London. The reasons for some of these changes are not clear to us but your legal counsel will undoubtedly be able to give the necessary explanations. The only point I'd like to put forward right now is that the confidential protocol suggested by the Polish government does not include Romania that we spoke so much about during the visit of Mr. Beck. Instead, it includes the Baltic States which we had mentioned only rather briefly at that opportunity.
In reply to our proposal to immediately start negotiating a political treaty I have received a letter from Lord Halifax yesterday night. In this letter he proposes to start the talks tomorrow, Wednesday: "If the Polish legal counsel would be on site by that date" or as soon as possible after that date.
I must give H. a prompt answer as to the date and possible procedures.